Chapter 6 Bhakti - Sufi Traditions

Introduction

As explored in Chapter 4, the period around the mid-first millennium CE saw the Indian subcontinent's landscape marked by diverse religious structures like stupas, monasteries, and temples. These buildings represent certain religious beliefs and practices. Other aspects of religious life and thought are reconstructed from textual sources, including Puranas, which were largely compiled during this time, while some practices are only dimly visible in historical records.

A new and significant type of textual source emerged during this period: compositions attributed to poet-saints. These individuals typically expressed themselves orally, using the regional languages spoken by ordinary people, making their message widely accessible. Their poetic and devotional compositions were often set to music.

These oral traditions were later compiled by disciples or followers, usually after the death of the saint. This process introduced dynamism; subsequent generations of devotees often elaborated on the original teachings, sometimes modifying or even abandoning certain ideas that became less relevant or problematic in changing political, social, or cultural environments. This evolving nature of texts poses challenges for historians attempting to reconstruct the original ideas.

Historians also utilise hagiographies – biographies of saints written by their followers or members of their religious orders. While these texts may not always be strictly factual, they are invaluable for understanding how devotees perceived the lives, significance, and miraculous abilities of these influential figures.

Together, these diverse sources (texts, hagiographies, architecture, sculpture, oral traditions) provide insights into a period of great religious dynamism and variety in the subcontinent.

A Mosaic Of Religious Beliefs And Practices

One prominent characteristic of the period between the eighth and eighteenth centuries is the increasing visibility of a wide array of deities in both sculptural art and religious texts. This indicates the continued, and in some cases expanded, worship of major gods and goddesses such as Vishnu, Shiva, and various forms of the Goddess (Devi). These deities were often conceptualised and depicted in multiple forms and manifestations.

The Integration Of Cults

Historians suggest that two interconnected processes shaped these developments:

1. Dissemination of Brahmanical Ideas: Brahmanical traditions actively spread their ideas through the composition and compilation of Puranic texts. These were written in relatively simple Sanskrit verse, specifically intended to be accessible to women and Shudras, groups traditionally excluded from studying the Vedas.
2. Acceptance and Reworking of Local Traditions: Simultaneously, Brahmanas incorporated and reinterpreted local beliefs and practices of diverse social groups. This involved a continuous dialogue between what sociologists call "great" (Sanskritic, Puranic) and "little" (local, regional) traditions across the subcontinent.

A striking illustration of this integration is found at Puri in Orissa. By the twelfth century, the principal deity of the region was identified as Jagannatha, interpreted as a form of Vishnu (literally, "Lord of the World") (Fig. 6.2). However, unlike conventional depictions of Vishnu, the image of Jagannatha is made of wood by local tribal specialists, reflecting indigenous artistic traditions. This represents a local deity being absorbed into the Puranic framework while maintaining its distinct, non-traditional form.

Integration also occurred within goddess cults. The widespread worship of local goddesses, often symbolised by simple stones smeared with ochre, was common. These local deities were frequently incorporated into the Puranic pantheon by identifying them as consorts of major male deities – either equated with Lakshmi (Vishnu's wife) or Parvati (Shiva's wife).

Difference And Conflict

Forms of worship associated with the goddess often included practices classified as Tantric. Tantric traditions were inclusive, open to women and men, and frequently disregarded caste and class distinctions in ritual contexts. These ideas significantly influenced both Shaivism and Buddhism, particularly in regions like the eastern, northern, and southern parts of the subcontinent (Fig. 6.3 shows a Buddhist goddess likely influenced by this process).

Over time, these diverse beliefs and practices, sometimes contradictory, eventually came to be broadly classified under the umbrella term "Hinduism." The divergence is evident when comparing early Vedic traditions (focus on Agni, Indra, Soma, ritual sacrifice) with later Puranic traditions (focus on Vishnu, Shiva, Goddess, elaborate mythologies, devotional worship). Despite these differences, the Vedas continued to be revered as authoritative texts.

Differences often led to conflicts. Those who strictly adhered to Vedic ritualism sometimes condemned practices that sought direct, unregulated contact with the divine. Conversely, practitioners of Tantric rituals often disregarded Vedic authority. Within the devotional traditions, devotees of Vishnu or Shiva often asserted the supremacy of their chosen deity, sometimes leading to tensions with followers of other gods.

Relations with other established traditions like Buddhism and Jainism were also frequently marked by tension and occasional open conflict, possibly stemming from competition for followers, resources, and royal patronage (as seen later in this chapter).

The traditions of devotion or bhakti emerged and evolved within this complex religious landscape. Devotional worship, involving intense love and adoration for a deity, had a long history. It ranged from routine temple worship to ecstatic states achieved through singing and chanting devotional compositions, particularly prominent in Vaishnava and Shaiva sects.

“Great” And “Little” Traditions

The terms "great tradition" and "little tradition" were introduced by sociologist Robert Redfield to distinguish between the formal, widespread cultural practices associated with dominant social groups (like priests and rulers) and the local, specific practices observed by peasant communities. He noted that these traditions interacted and influenced each other over time. While acknowledging this interaction, scholars sometimes use quotation marks ("great," "little") to indicate discomfort with the inherent hierarchy implied by these terms.

Poems Of Prayer Early Traditions Of Bhakti

In the evolving landscape of religious worship, poet-saints played a crucial role, becoming focal points around whom communities of devotees gathered. While Brahmanas continued to serve as intermediaries in some forms of bhakti, these new traditions often welcomed and empowered women and individuals from "lower castes," who were typically excluded from paths to liberation in the orthodox Brahmanical system. A key characteristic of bhakti traditions was their remarkable diversity in practices and expressions.

Historians often classify bhakti traditions into two main categories:

• Saguna Bhakti: Devotion focused on specific deities with attributes and forms, such as Shiva, Vishnu and his avatars, and forms of the Goddess. These deities were often conceptualised and worshipped in anthropomorphic (human-like) forms.
• Nirguna Bhakti: Devotion directed towards an abstract, formless, or attributeless concept of the divine.

The Alvars And Nayanars Of Tamil Nadu

Some of the earliest and most influential bhakti movements originated in Tamil Nadu around the sixth century CE, led by poet-saints known as the Alvars and Nayanars. The Alvars were devotees of Vishnu, their name meaning "those immersed in devotion." The Nayanars were devotees of Shiva, their name meaning "leaders" or "devotees." These saints travelled across the region, composing and singing passionate hymns in Tamil praising their respective deities.

Attitudes Towards Caste

The Alvars and Nayanars are sometimes seen as leading a movement against the prevailing caste system and the dominance of Brahmanas, or at least attempting social reform. This view is supported by the diverse social origins of the bhaktas, who came from various backgrounds, including Brahmanas, artisans, cultivators, and even groups considered "untouchable" (Source 2 gives a quote from a Brahmana Alvar critical of birth-based status).

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The importance of these bhakti traditions was sometimes asserted by claiming their compositions were equivalent in significance to the Vedas. The Nalayira Divyaprabandham, a collection of Alvar compositions, was often called the Tamil Veda (Source 1 on compilations). This was a way of elevating the status of these vernacular compositions and the devotional path they represented to the level of the revered Sanskrit Vedas of the Brahmanas.

Compilations Of Devotional Literature

The devotional poems of the Alvars and Nayanars were systematically collected and organised into anthologies. By the tenth century, the compositions of the 12 Alvars were compiled into the Nalayira Divyaprabandham ("Four Thousand Sacred Compositions"). Similarly, the poems of three prominent Nayanar saints – Appar, Sambandar, and Sundarar – were collected and classified in the tenth century based on their musical modes, forming the anthology known as the Tevaram.

Women Devotees

A notable aspect of these early bhakti traditions was the presence of women poet-saints, who played significant roles despite the patriarchal societal norms. Andal, a woman Alvar, composed verses expressing intense love for Vishnu; her compositions remain popular. Karaikkal Ammaiyar, a Nayanar devotee of Shiva, pursued a path of severe asceticism to achieve her spiritual goal (Fig. 6.4 shows her image).

These women saints renounced conventional social obligations and expectations, but did not necessarily join established monastic orders or become nuns. Their lives and powerful compositions challenged patriarchal norms and traditional ideas about women's roles and capabilities, particularly regarding spiritual attainment (Source 3 contains a poem by Karaikkal Ammaiyar describing herself in stark, non-traditionally feminine terms).

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Relations With The State

The Tamil region saw the rise of powerful states, such as those ruled by the Pallavas and Pandyas (c. 6th-9th centuries), and later the formidable Cholas (9th-13th centuries). While Buddhism and Jainism had a presence in the region, drawing support from merchant and artisan communities, Brahmanical and bhakti traditions gained significant royal patronage, especially under the Cholas.

Interestingly, a recurring theme in Tamil bhakti hymns, particularly those of the Nayanars (Source 2 also contains a quote from a Nayanar), is strong opposition to Buddhism and Jainism. Historians suggest this hostility might stem from competition between these religious traditions for royal support and followers. The Chola rulers actively supported Brahmanical and bhakti traditions through land grants and the construction of grand temples dedicated to Vishnu and Shiva. (Fig. 6.5 shows a famous Chola bronze image of Shiva Nataraja).

The construction of magnificent Shiva temples, such as those at Chidambaram, Thanjavur, and Gangaikondacholapuram, under Chola patronage, and the creation of spectacular bronze sculptures of Shiva, were likely inspired by the devotional visions of the Nayanars. Both Nayanars and Alvars were highly revered, particularly by the Vellala (peasant) community, whose support was important for rulers.

Chola kings sought to legitimise their rule and enhance their status by associating themselves with these popular saints. They built splendid temples adorned with sculptures that reflected the saints' visions. They also actively promoted the singing of Tamil Shaiva hymns (Tevaram) in temples and took the initiative to collect and compile these hymns into a text. Inscriptional evidence indicates that the Chola ruler Parantaka I consecrated metal images of three prominent Nayanars in a Shiva temple, which were used in processions during the saints' festivals, publicly demonstrating the link between royalty, popular saints, and the divine.

Rituals And The Real World

Many bhakti saints, like Basavanna, critiqued what they saw as the hypocrisy or inconsistencies in religious rituals and practices compared to real-life behaviour. Source 4 provides a vachana by Basavanna illustrating this critique.

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In Source 2 and Source 4, both Appar and Tondaradippodi challenge aspects of the Brahmanical system. Appar questions the relevance of gotra and kula (lineage, caste), implicitly criticising birth-based status and urging refuge solely in Shiva, suggesting devotion overrides social identity. Tondaradippodi explicitly states that Vishnu prefers the devotion of outcastes over Chaturvedin Brahmanas who lack allegiance, directly criticising the Brahmanical claim to superiority based on birth and Vedic knowledge alone. Both critique the Brahmanical emphasis on birth and texts over sincere devotion, but Appar focuses on the irrelevance of lineage, while Tondaradippodi contrasts the value of devotion from different social strata compared to Brahmanical knowledge without devotion.

The Virashaiva Tradition In Karnataka

The twelfth century witnessed the rise of the Virashaiva tradition in Karnataka, led by Basavanna, a Brahmana who served as a minister. His followers were known as Virashaivas ("heroes of Shiva") or Lingayats ("wearers of the linga"). This movement remains influential in the region.

Lingayats primarily worship Shiva in the form of a linga. Men typically wear a small linga encased in silver, suspended from the left shoulder. Revered figures within the community include the jangama, or wandering monks. A core belief of the Lingayats is that upon death, a devotee is united with Shiva and is not subject to rebirth in this world. Consequently, they do not follow the Dharmashastra-prescribed practice of cremation. Instead, they ritually bury their dead.

The Lingayats posed a direct challenge to several key aspects of the Brahmanical social and religious order. They rejected the concept of caste hierarchy and the notion of "pollution" associated with certain groups. They also questioned the theory of rebirth and the cycle of karma in the same way as orthodox traditions. These stances attracted followers from those who felt marginalised by the Brahmanical system. The Lingayats also endorsed practices not approved by Dharmashastras, such as post-puberty marriage and the remarriage of widows. Insights into the Virashaiva tradition come from the vachanas (sayings), devotional poems composed in Kannada by men and women within the movement.

New Religious Developments

This period also saw two major concurrent religious developments:

1. Many ideas from Tamil bhakti traditions, particularly Vaishnavism, were incorporated into the broader Sanskritic tradition. This culminated in the composition of the Bhagavata Purana, a highly important text in Vaishnavism.
2. Distinct traditions of bhakti emerged in Maharashtra starting from the thirteenth century.

Religious Ferment In North India

In North India during the same period (c. 8th-18th centuries), deities like Vishnu and Shiva were worshipped, often in temples patronised by rulers. However, the intense devotional movements characterised by travelling poet-saints and vernacular hymns seen in the south (like Alvars and Nayanars) do not appear to have a strong parallel in North India until around the fourteenth century.

Historians attribute this difference partly to the political context. North India saw the rise of numerous Rajput states where Brahmanas held significant influence in both religious and administrative roles. There was less direct challenge to their authority compared to the south.

Nonetheless, other religious leaders operating outside the traditional Brahmanical framework were gaining prominence. Groups like the Naths, Jogis (Yogis), and Siddhas became influential. Many of these came from artisan backgrounds, like weavers, whose importance grew with the development of organised crafts and increased trade with Central and West Asia.

These new religious figures often questioned the authority of the Vedas and expressed their ideas in local languages, which formed the basis of modern regional languages. Despite their popularity among ordinary people, they did not typically receive support from the ruling elites.

A significant transformation occurred with the arrival of the Turks and the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate in the thirteenth century. This led to the decline of many Rajput states and diminished the traditional influence of the Brahmanas associated with them. This political shift was accompanied by changes in culture and religion, including the growth of Sufism (discussed in Section 6).

New Strands In The Fabric Islamic Traditions

The Indian subcontinent was not isolated from other regions. Contact with lands beyond the seas and mountains had existed for millennia. Arab merchants had long frequented western coastal ports, and Central Asian peoples had settled in the northwest. From the seventh century onwards, with the rise of Islam, these regions became increasingly interconnected with the broader Islamic world.

Faiths Of Rulers And Subjects

One way to understand the impact of these connections is to look at the religion of the ruling powers. In 711 CE, an Arab general, Muhammad Qasim, conquered Sind, incorporating it into the Caliphate. Later, from the thirteenth century, Turkish and Afghan rulers established the Delhi Sultanate, followed by Sultanates in the Deccan and other areas. Islam became the acknowledged religion of the rulers in many parts of the subcontinent. This continued under the Mughal Empire (16th century) and subsequent regional states.

Ideally, Muslim rulers were expected to govern according to the shari‘a, guided by the ulama (scholars of Islamic law) who interpreted it. However, governing a population where the majority were not Muslim presented complexities. The category of zimmi ("protected") was developed for non-Muslims who followed revealed scriptures (Jews, Christians) living under Muslim rule. They paid a tax called jizya in return for protection. In India, this status was extended to Hindus. Over time, rulers like the Mughals came to see themselves as emperors of all their subjects, not just Muslims.

In practice, rulers often adopted flexible policies towards non-Muslims. Many rulers granted land endowments and tax exemptions to Hindu, Jaina, Zoroastrian, Christian, and Jewish religious institutions (Source 5 shows an example of Akbar granting permission for a church, and Source 6 shows Aurangzeb expressing reverence for a Jogi). They also showed respect for non-Muslim religious leaders.

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Shari‘A

The shari‘a is the body of Islamic law that guides the Muslim community. It is derived primarily from the Qur’an (the holy book of Islam) and the hadis (traditions and sayings of Prophet Muhammad). As Islam spread to diverse regions with different customs, additional sources were recognised for legal interpretation: qiyas (reasoning by analogy) and ijma (consensus of the community). Thus, the shari‘a evolved as a comprehensive legal framework drawing on these various sources.

The Popular Practice Of Islam

The influence of Islam extended far beyond the ruling elites, impacting diverse social groups across the subcontinent – peasants, artisans, warriors, merchants, and others. While those who converted to Islam accepted its five fundamental "pillars" (shahada, namaz/salat, zakat, sawm, hajj), actual practices often varied due to sectarian differences (Sunni, Shi‘a) and the influence of local customs and traditions of the converts.

For example, the Khojahs, an Ismaili Shi‘a community, integrated indigenous literary forms to disseminate Islamic ideas. They composed devotional poems called ginan (from Sanskrit 'jnana') in various regional languages (Punjabi, Sindhi, Gujarati, etc.), sung in specific musical modes during prayers (Fig. 6.8 shows a Khojaki manuscript).

Arab Muslim traders who settled on the Malabar coast adopted local customs and language (Malayalam). Some also adopted local social practices like matriliny (inheritance through the female line) and matrilocal residence (where the husband lives with the wife's family after marriage).

The blend of universal Islamic faith and local traditions is visible in mosque architecture. Universal features include the orientation towards Mecca (indicated by the mihrab, prayer niche, and minbar, pulpit). However, architectural styles, building materials (Figs. 6.9, 6.10), and roof designs vary widely, reflecting regional influences (Fig. 6.11 shows a wooden mosque). Local materials, climate, and architectural traditions shaped the appearance of mosques in different areas.

Sufism And Tasawwuf

Sufism (known as tasawwuf in Islamic texts) emerged in early Islam as a mystical and ascetic movement. Sufis were critical of the materialism of the Caliphate and the rigid, scholastic interpretations of the Qur'an and sunna by orthodox theologians. Instead, they focused on cultivating intense devotion and love for God, following His commands and the example of Prophet Muhammad, whom they saw as the perfect human being. Sufis sought to understand religious truth through personal spiritual experience rather than solely through intellectual study of texts.

Various origins for the term 'sufism' or 'tasawwuf' have been suggested: from 'suf' (wool, referring to ascetic clothing), 'safa' (purity), or 'suffa' (the platform outside the Prophet's mosque where early followers gathered).

Names For Communities

Modern terms like "Hindu" and "Muslim" are often used to denote distinct religious communities, but their common usage and precise religious connotation developed over time. Historical Sanskrit texts and inscriptions from the 8th to 14th centuries rarely used terms like "musalman" or "Muslim." Instead, people were often identified by their region of origin (Turushka for Turks, Tajika for people from Tajikistan, Parashika for people from Persia).

Sometimes, existing terms for earlier migrant groups were applied to new arrivals; for example, Turks and Afghans were referred to as Shakas and Yavanas (terms previously used for Scythians and Greeks). A more general term used for these newcomers was mlechchha, signifying that they were outsiders who did not adhere to the norms of caste society and spoke non-Sanskritic languages. While this term could be derogatory, it did not primarily denote a distinct religious community of Muslims in opposition to Hindus. As discussed in Chapter 5, the term "Hindu" itself had diverse meanings and was not always exclusively religious.

The Growth Of Sufism

By the eleventh century, Sufism had evolved into a significant movement with its own body of literature on Quranic studies and established spiritual practices. Sufis began organising themselves institutionally around hospices known as khanqahs.

Khanqahs And Silsilas

The khanqah (Persian term for hospice) was central to Sufi life. It was controlled by a spiritual master, called a shaikh (Arabic), pir, or murshid (Persian). The shaikh would initiate disciples (murids) and appoint a successor (khalifa). Rules for spiritual conduct and interaction within the community and with visitors were established. Sufi lineages or chains, known as silsilas, began to formalise around the twelfth century in various parts of the Islamic world. The word silsila means "chain," symbolising an unbroken spiritual connection from the master back to Prophet Muhammad, through which spiritual power (barakat) and blessings were transmitted.

Initiation into a silsila involved specific rituals, including an oath of allegiance to the master, wearing a patched garment, and shaving the head. Upon the death of the shaikh, his tomb-shrine, called a dargah (Persian for court), became a centre of devotion and pilgrimage (ziyarat) for followers and others seeking blessings. The death anniversary of the shaikh, known as urs ("marriage," signifying union with God), was a particularly important occasion for ziyarat, based on the belief that saints were closer to God after death.

This practice led to the development of the cult of the shaikh, who was revered as a wali ("friend of God") (plural, auliya), believed to have acquired divine grace (barakat) and the ability to perform miracles (karamat).

Names Of Silsilas

Sufi lineages were typically named after their founding master, for example, the Qadiri order after Shaikh Abd’ul Qadir Jilani. However, some silsilas were named after their place of origin, such as the Chishti order, which was named after the town of Chisht in central Afghanistan where it originated.

The Story Of Data Ganj Bakhsh

The story of Data Ganj Bakhsh illustrates the early spread of Sufism into the subcontinent. Abu’l Hasan al Hujwiri, a Sufi from Ghazni, was brought to Lahore as a captive in the 11th century. He settled there, wrote the Kashf-ul-Mahjub to explain Sufism, and was buried in Lahore after his death in 1073. His tomb became a pilgrimage site, and he is revered as Data Ganj Bakhsh ("Giver who bestows treasures"), with his mausoleum known as Data Darbar ("Court of the Giver"). This highlights how Sufi shrines became important centres of devotion and local tradition.

Outside The Khanqah

Not all mystics adhered to the institutional structure of the khanqah. Some adopted a more radical path, scorning the hospices and living as mendicants. These mystics often practised celibacy, disregarded conventional rituals, and observed extreme asceticism. They were known by various names, including Qalandars, Madaris, Malangs, and Haidaris.

Because these groups deliberately defied the shari‘a (Islamic law), they were often referred to as be-shari‘a ("without shari'a"), in contrast to the ba-shari‘a ("with shari'a") Sufis who followed Islamic law.

The Chishtis In The Subcontinent

Among the Sufi groups that arrived in India in the late twelfth century, the Chishtis became particularly influential. Their success was due in part to their ability to adapt to the local environment and incorporate elements from existing Indian devotional traditions.

Life In The Chishti Khanqah

The khanqah served as the vibrant hub of Chishti social life. For example, the hospice of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya (14th century) in Delhi was a complex with small rooms and a large communal hall (jama’at khana) for inmates and visitors. The Shaikh met visitors in his room on the roof. The complex included family members, attendants, and disciples, enclosed by a boundary wall. People even sought refuge there during crises like Mongol invasions.

A charitable kitchen (langar) provided food, supported by futuh (unsolicited donations). The khanqah attracted a diverse stream of people seeking spiritual guidance, healing amulets, or the Shaikh's intervention in various matters. Visitors included prominent figures like poets Amir Hasan Sijzi and Amir Khusrau, and historian Ziyauddin Barani, who documented their experiences.

Practices observed within the khanqah, such as bowing before the Shaikh, offering water, shaving initiates' heads, and some yogic exercises, indicate the assimilation of local traditions. Shaikh Nizamuddin appointed spiritual successors who established hospices elsewhere, rapidly spreading Chishti teachings and organisation. This further increased the fame of the Shaikh and drew pilgrims to his and his predecessors' shrines. (Fig. 6.12 shows a painting of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya and Amir Khusrau).

In Fig 6.12, the artist differentiates the Shaikh from the disciple (Amir Khusrau) by portraying the Shaikh in a seated posture, possibly on a slightly elevated seat, indicating his authority and revered status. He is positioned centrally or in a more prominent space. The disciple is shown seated lower, perhaps facing the Shaikh with hands folded or in a posture of respect and humility, visually conveying the master-disciple relationship.

Chishti Devotionalism: Ziyarat And Qawwali

Ziyarat, pilgrimage to the tombs of Sufi saints, is a widespread practice across the Muslim world, offering a way to seek the saint's spiritual grace (barakat). The dargahs (shrine complexes) of the great Chishti saints in India have been centres of devotion for people of all backgrounds for centuries.

The most revered Chishti shrine is that of Khwaja Muinuddin in Ajmer, popularly known as "Gharib Nawaz" ("Comforter of the Poor"). Earliest references date to the fourteenth century. Its popularity stemmed from the Shaikh's piety, his successors' spiritual greatness, and the patronage of rulers.

Muhammad bin Tughlaq was the first Sultan to visit the shrine. Later, Sultan Ghiyasuddin Khalji of Malwa funded the initial construction of the tomb in the late fifteenth century. Located on the Delhi-Gujarat trade route, the shrine attracted many travellers. By the sixteenth century, it was highly popular, notably attracting Mughal emperor Akbar, who visited fourteen times, seeking blessings for conquests, vows, and male heirs. His visits included generous gifts, such as a large cauldron for feeding pilgrims, and funding for a mosque within the complex. This tradition of imperial visits continued (Fig. 6.13 shows Jahangir on pilgrimage to Ajmer).

Jahanara, daughter of Emperor Shah Jahan, also undertook a pilgrimage to Ajmer in 1643, meticulously recording her devotional acts at Khwaja Muinuddin's dargah in her biography of the saint (Source 7).

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Music and dance are integral to ziyarat, particularly mystical chants performed by qawwals (musicians) to induce spiritual ecstasy. Sufis remember God through zikr (reciting Divine Names) or evoking His Presence through sama‘ ("audition"), the performance of mystical music. Sama‘ was central to Chishti practice and demonstrates interaction with indigenous devotional traditions (Fig. 6.14 shows a qawwali performance).

Source 7 ("The Lamp of the Entire Land") is an excerpt from Dargah Quli Khan's Muraqqa-i Dehli, describing the shrine of Nasiruddin Chiragh-i Dehli. It highlights that the shrine was considered important for the whole country, not just Delhi, attracting large crowds, particularly on Sundays and during Diwali, with both Muslims and Hindus visiting in a spirit of shared devotion and seeking cures. This indicates the widespread influence of the shrine and its appeal across religious communities.

Languages And Communication

The Chishtis integrated local languages into their practices beyond just sama‘. In Delhi, they conversed in Hindavi, the local language. Sufis like Baba Farid composed verses in local languages, some of which were included in the Guru Granth Sahib. Others wrote long poems (masnavis) using human love stories (premakhyans) as allegories for the soul's journey towards divine love. Malik Muhammad Jayasi's Padmavat is a famous example, often recited in hospices during sama‘.

In the Deccan, around Bijapur, Chishti Sufis in the 17th-18th centuries composed short poems in Dakhani (a form of Urdu). These were likely sung by women during daily chores like grinding grain (charkhanama, Source 8) and spinning, or as lullabies and wedding songs. This local adaptation was probably inspired by the Kannada vachanas of the Lingayats and Marathi abhangs of the sants of Pandharpur, facilitating the spread of Islam in the region's villages.

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Amir Khusrau, a famous poet, musician, and disciple of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, significantly contributed to Chishti sama‘ by introducing the qaul (Arabic for "saying"), a devotional hymn sung at the beginning or end of qawwali sessions. Qawwali performances at Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya's shrine traditionally start with the qaul, often followed by Sufi poetry in a mix of Persian, Hindavi, and Urdu. Qawwali remains a vibrant part of devotional practice at Sufi shrines today.

Sufis And The State

A core principle of the Chishti tradition was austerity and detachment from political power. However, they were not entirely isolated from the state. Sufis accepted grants and donations from political elites, while Sultans provided charitable trusts (auqaf) and tax-free land (inam) for hospices.

The Chishtis preferred to distribute donations immediately to meet the needs of the khanqah and its visitors (food, clothing, shelter, sama‘), rather than accumulating wealth. This practice enhanced the moral authority of the shaikhs, attracting diverse people whose support was valued by kings. The piety, scholarship, and perceived miraculous powers of Sufis also made them popular among the masses, making their association desirable for rulers seeking legitimacy.

Rulers not only sought association but also legitimation from Sufis, who were seen as deriving authority directly from God, independent of jurists interpreting shari‘a. This was particularly important for early Turkish Sultans in Delhi, who faced a predominantly non-Muslim population and needed a basis for authority beyond strict shari‘a law insisted upon by the ulama.

Saints (auliya) were also believed to have the power to intercede with God for the welfare of ordinary people. This belief explains why kings often desired to be buried near Sufi shrines. Despite this symbiotic relationship, tensions and conflicts sometimes arose between Sultans and Sufis, particularly concerning rituals of obeisance (prostration, kissing feet) expected by both authorities. Sufi shaikhs were sometimes addressed with titles suggesting high status, like "sultan-ul-mashaikh" (Sultan amongst shaikhs) for Nizamuddin Auliya.

Other Sufi orders, like the Suhrawardis and Naqshbandis, also interacted with the state, sometimes even holding official positions, unlike the Chishtis' principle of non-involvement (Fig. 6.15 shows the dargah of Shaikh Salim Chishti within Akbar's capital, symbolising the bond with the Mughals).

Source 9 provides an anecdote illustrating the Chishti attitude towards accepting royal gifts of land, emphasising spiritual detachment over worldly possessions.

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New Devotional Paths Dialogue And Dissent In Northern India

In North India, several poet-saints emerged who engaged with the changing social and religious landscape, expressing their ideas through various forms of dialogue and dissent. We focus here on three influential figures: Kabir, Baba Guru Nanak, and Mirabai.

Weaving A Divine Fabric: Kabir

Kabir (c. 14th-15th centuries) is a prominent figure known for his powerful poetry. Reconstructing his life is challenging, relying on compositions attributed to him and later hagiographies, which often contain conflicting accounts. His verses are found in three main traditions: the Kabir Bijak (preserved by the Kabirpanth), the Kabir Granthavali (associated with the Dadupanth), and the Adi Granth Sahib (Sikh scripture). These compilations were made centuries after his death, and his verses circulated widely in print by the 19th century.

Kabir's poems exist in various languages and dialects, including sant bhasha (language of the nirguna poets). Some poems are in ulatbansi ("upside-down sayings"), using inverted meanings to express the difficulty of describing the divine, such as "the lotus which blooms without flower." These verses reflect his mystical experiences.

Kabir drew upon diverse traditions to describe the Ultimate Reality. He used Islamic terms (Allah, Khuda, Hazrat, Pir) and Vedantic terms (alakh, nirakar, Brahman, Atman), as well as terms from Yogic traditions (shabda, shunya). His poetry often contains seemingly contradictory ideas. Some verses critique Hindu polytheism and idol worship using Islamic concepts like monotheism and iconoclasm. Others adapt Sufi practices like zikr (remembrance) and ishq (love) to express the Hindu practice of nam-simaran (remembering God's name) (Source 10 provides a composition by Kabir).

Answer:

The authorship of all verses attributed to Kabir is debated, but the vast collection signifies his ongoing influence. Kabir remains an inspiration for those who question rigid religious and social norms in their spiritual search (Fig. 6.16 depicts musicians, perhaps singing saint's compositions).

Kabir's ideas likely developed through interaction with Sufi and Yogic traditions in the Awadh region. His legacy was claimed by various groups, leading to debates, particularly in later hagiographies, about his religious identity (Hindu or Muslim) and his guru (some Vaishnava traditions claimed he was initiated by Ramananda). While the link to Ramananda is historically difficult to verify, it underscores Kabir's importance to subsequent generations seeking to associate with his legacy.

Nirguna bhakti: Devotion to an abstract, formless God.

Baba Guru Nanak And The Sacred Word

Baba Guru Nanak (1469-1539) was born in a Hindu merchant family in Punjab. He pursued accounting but spent much time with Sufis and bhaktas and travelled extensively. His teachings are found in his hymns and discourses, advocating nirguna bhakti.

He rejected external religious practices of both Hindus and Muslims, including sacrifices, ritual bathing, idol worship, austerities, and scriptures. For Baba Guru Nanak, the divine ("rab") was formless and genderless. He proposed a simple path to connect with God: remembering and repeating the Divine Name (nam-simaran). His ideas were expressed in hymns called shabad in Punjabi, often sung with his attendant Mardana playing the rabab.

Baba Guru Nanak organised his followers into a community and established rules for congregational worship (sangat) with collective recitation. He appointed a disciple, Angad, as his successor (guru), initiating a lineage of gurus that continued for nearly 200 years.

Although Baba Guru Nanak may not have intended to create a new religion, his followers consolidated their practices after his death, forming a distinct identity separate from Hindus and Muslims. The fifth guru, Guru Arjan, compiled Baba Guru Nanak's hymns along with those of his successors and other saints (Baba Farid, Ravidas, Kabir) into the Adi Granth Sahib. These hymns, called gurbani, are in various languages. The tenth guru, Guru Gobind Singh, added the compositions of the ninth guru, creating the Guru Granth Sahib. Guru Gobind Singh also founded the Khalsa Panth, defining its five symbols and consolidating the community as a socio-religious and military force.

Mirabai, The Devotee Princess

Mirabai (c. 15th-16th centuries) is one of the most celebrated women poet-saints in the bhakti tradition. Her life story is mainly reconstructed from her devotional songs (bhajans) transmitted orally for centuries. According to tradition, she was a Rajput princess who defied her in-laws and traditional wifely duties after being married against her will. She dedicated herself entirely to Krishna, viewing him as her divine lover (Fig. 6.17 shows a sculpture of Krishna).

Mirabai is said to have miraculously survived attempts on her life by her in-laws. She left the palace and lived as a wandering saint, composing emotionally intense songs expressing her devotion (Source 11 includes verses attributed to her).

Answer:

Some traditions claim her guru was Raidas, a leather worker, highlighting her disregard for caste norms. After leaving the palace, she reportedly adopted the attire of a widow or renouncer. Although she did not found a specific sect, her songs have inspired people for centuries, particularly the poor and "low caste" communities in Gujarat and Rajasthan, who continue to sing them.

Reconstructing Histories Of Religious Traditions

Historians use a variety of sources to reconstruct the histories of religious traditions. These include material evidence like sculpture and architecture, narratives about religious leaders (hagiographies), and compositions by devotees and mystics.

As seen in previous chapters, interpreting sculpture and architecture requires understanding the context of the ideas, beliefs, and practices of the people who created and used them. Similarly, understanding textual traditions about religious beliefs is complex due to the diversity of languages and styles used. Sources range from simple vernacular vachanas to formal Persian farmans. Historians need linguistic skills and awareness of stylistic variations specific to each genre.

A wide variety of texts were produced within Sufi traditions, providing diverse sources for historical reconstruction (Source on Varieties of Sources). These include:

1. Treatises/Manuals: Explaining Sufi thought and practice (e.g., Kashf-ul-Mahjub).
2. Malfuzat: Collections of Sufi saints' conversations, compiled by disciples (e.g., Fawa’id-al-Fu’ad). These had didactic aims and reveal aspects of the shaikhs' teachings and interactions.
3. Maktubat: Collections of letters from Sufi masters to disciples, reflecting spiritual guidance, life conditions, and aspirations of recipients (e.g., Maktubat-i Imam Rabbani).
4. Tazkiras: Biographical accounts of saints, often aiming to glorify lineages, but providing valuable details despite sometimes containing fantastic elements (e.g., Siyar-ul-Auliya, Akhbar-ul-Akhyar).

These sources, some preserved, many modified, and others lost, form the basis for understanding Sufi history.

Many of these religious traditions continue today, offering historians the advantage of comparing historical accounts with contemporary practices to trace change. However, the deeply held nature of religious beliefs can sometimes lead to resistance to the idea that traditions have evolved. Historians face the challenge of studying these traditions with sensitivity while acknowledging their dynamic nature and change over time.

Shankaradeva

In the late fifteenth century, Shankaradeva emerged as a leading figure of Vaishnavism in Assam. His teachings, known as Bhagavati dharma (based on the Bhagavad Gita and Bhagavata Purana), emphasised complete devotion to Vishnu. He advocated naam kirtan (reciting the lord's names) in sat sanga (congregations of devotees). He also promoted the establishment of satra (monasteries for spiritual knowledge transmission) and naam ghar (prayer halls). These institutions and practices remain important in Assam today. His notable work is the Kirtana-ghosha.